1 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, p. 95; Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, p. 49.

2 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, p. 96; Wikipedia, Apamea, Syria, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apamea,_Syria (as of June 21, 2012).

3 Strabo, Geography, 16.2.4: Seleucis is the best of the above-mentioned portions of Syria. It is called and is a Tetrapolis, and derives its name from the four distinguished cities which it contains; for there are more than four cities, but the four largest are Antioch Epidaphne (Antioch on the Orontes), Seleuceia in Pieria, Apameia, and Laodiceia (Laodikeia ad Mare). They were called Sisters from the concord which existed between them. They were founded by Seleucus Nicator (Seleukos I). The largest bore the name of his father, and the strongest his own. Of the others, Apameia had its name from his wife Apama, and Laodiceia from his mother.

4 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, p. 94 and note 1 on pp. 96-7.

5 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, pp. 94-5 and notes 2-4 on pp. 97-8; Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, p. 39.

Strabo, Geography, 16.2.10: It was formerly called Pella by the first Macedonians, because most of the soldiers of the Macedonian army had settled there; for Pella, the native place of Philip (Philip II of Makedon) and Alexander (Alexander the Great), was held to be the metropolis of the Macedonians.

6 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, pp. 95 and note 4 on p. 98; Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, note 46 on p. 39.

Strabo, Geography, 16.2.10: In the district of Apameia is a city well fortified in almost every part. For it consists of a well-fortified hill, situated in a hollow plain, and almost surrounded by the Orontes, which, passing by a large lake in the neighbourhood, flows through wide-spread marshes and meadows of vast extent, affording pasture for cattle and horses. The city is thus securely situated, and received the name Cherrhonesus (Chersonese) (or the peninsula) from the nature of its position.

7 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, p. 96 and note 12 on pp. 99-100. For quasi-municipal coins of Antiochos IV, see the section Hellenistic Coins on this page.

8 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, p. 96.

9 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, note 12 on pp. 99-100; Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, p. 42.

10 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, p. 96.

11 Strabo, Geography, 16.2.4 (see footnote 3).

12 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, p. 95; Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, p. 126.

Strabo, Geography, 16.2.10: In the district of Apameia is a city well fortified in almost every part. For it consists of a well-fortified hill, situated in a hollow plain, and almost surrounded by the Orontes, which, passing by a large lake in the neighbourhood, flows through wide-spread marshes and meadows of vast extent, affording pasture for cattle and horses. The city is thus securely situated, and received the name Cherrhonesus (or the peninsula) from the nature of its position. It is well supplied from a very large fertile tract of country, through which the Orontes flows with numerous windings. Seleucus Nicator (Seleukos I), and succeeding kings, kept there five hundred elephants, and the greater part of their army.

It was formerly called Pella by the first Macedonians, because most of the soldiers of the Macedonian army had settled there; for Pella, the native place of Philip (Philip II of Makedon) and Alexander (Alexander the Great), was held to be the metropolis of the Macedonians. Here also the soldiers were mustered, and the breed of horses kept up. There were in the royal stud more than thirty thousand brood mares and three hundred stallions. Here were employed colt-breakers, instructors in the method of fighting in heavy armour, and all who were paid to teach the arts of war.

13 Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, pp. 69 and 72 (and note 17); Grainger, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, p. 688.

14 Plutarch, Demetrius 50-52: When Seleucus (Seleukos I) heard of it, he declared that it was not the good fortune of Demetrius (Demetrios Poliorketes) that brought him safety, but his own, which, in addition to her other blessings, gave him an opportunity to show generosity and kindness. Then he called his overseers and bade them pitch a royal tent, and to make all other arrangements and preparations for a magnificent reception and entertainment. There was also with Seleucus a certain Apollonides, who had been an intimate friend of Demetrius; this man was at once sent to him by Seleucus, to give him cheerfulness and confidence by reminders that he was coming into the presence of a man who was a friend and relative. When this purpose of Seleucus became evident, first a few of his friends, then the greater part of them, went off hot foot to Demetrius, vying with one another in their efforts to reach him first; for it was expected that he would at once be a very great personage at the court of Seleucus.

But this behaviour of his friends turned the king’s pity into jealousy, and gave malicious and mischievous persons an opportunity to thwart and put an end to his generosity. They frightened him by their insinuations that without any delay, but at the first sight of Demetrius, there would be a great revolution in the camp. And so it came to pass that at the very time when Apollonides had come to Demetrius with a joyful countenance, and while the other courtiers p129were coming up and telling him wonderful tales about Seleucus and his generosity, and when Demetrius, after all his disasters and misfortunes, even if he had once thought his surrender a disgraceful act, had now changed his mind as a result of his courage and hopefulness, up came Pausanias at the head of a thousand soldiers, foot and horse together. With these he surrounded Demetrius on a sudden, and after sending off everybody else, conducted him, not into the presence of Seleucus, but away to the Syrian Chersonese (Apameia on the Axios). Here, for the rest of his life, a strong guard was set over him, a sufficient number of attendants came to him from Seleucus, while money and maintenance was provided for him which was not to be despised, nay, royal courses for riding and walking, and parks with wild game in them, were set apart for his use; any friend also who shared his exile and wished to visit him could do so, and notwithstanding his captivity sundry people kept coming to him from Seleucus bringing kindly messages and exhorting him to be of good cheer, since as soon as Antiochus (Antiochos I) came with Stratonicé (Stratonike I), he was to be set at liberty.

Demetrius, however, finding himself in this plight, sent word to his son and the friends and commanders who were at Athens and Corinth, bidding them put no trust in letters or seal purporting to be his, but to treat him as dead, and to preserve for Antigonus his cities and the rest of his power. When Antigonus learned of his father’s capture, he was deeply distressed, put on mourning apparel, and wrote to the other kings and especially to Seleucus himself, supplicating him, and offering to surrender to him whatever was left of his own and his father’s possessions, and above everything volunteering to be a hostage himself for his father. Many cities also and many rulers joined in these supplications. But Lysimachus (Macedonian King of Thrace and ally of Seleukos I against Antigonos I Monophthalmos) did not; he sent to Seleucus the promise of a large sum of money if he killed Demetrius. But Seleucus, who had always had a feeling of aversion for Lysimachus, all the more for this proposal thought him abominable and barbarous, and continued to keep Demetrius under watch and ward for Antiochus his son and Stratonicé, that the favour of his release might come from them.

But Demetrius, who in the beginning bore up under the misfortune that had come upon him, and presently grew accustomed to it and endured his situation with a better grace, at first, in one way or another, exercised his body, resorting to hunting, so far as he could, or riding; then, little by little, he came to have the greatest indifference and aversion to these sports, took eagerly to drinking and dice, and spent most of his time at these. This was either because he thought escape from the thoughts on his present condition which tormented him when he was sober, and tried to smother his reflections in drunkenness; or because he had convinced himself that this was the real life, which he had long desired and striven to attain, but had foolishly missed it through folly and empty ambition, thereby bringing many troubles upon himself, and many upon others; he had sought in arms and fleets and armies to find the highest good, but now, to his surprise, had discovered it in idleness and leisure and repose. For what other end than this can worthless kings seek to attain by their wars and perils? Wicked and foolish indeed are they, not only because they seek after luxury and pleasure instead of virtue and honour, but also because they do not even know how to enjoy real pleasure or true luxury.

So, then, Demetrius, after an imprisonment of three years in the Syrian Chersonese, through inactivity and surfeit of food and wine, fell sick and died, in the fifty-fifth year of his life. Seleucus was in ill repute for this, and repented him bitterly for having cherished such suspicions against Demetrius, and for allowing himself to be outdone even by Dromichaetes, a barbarous Thracian, who had given Lysimachus, his captive, a treatment so humane and royal.

Diodorus Siculus, Library of History, 21.20: While Demetrius (Demetrios Poliorketes) was held under guard in Pella (Apameia on the Axios), Lysimachus (Macedonian King of Thrace and ally of Seleukos I against Antigonos I Monophthalmos) sent ambassadors to Seleucus (Seleukos I) with the request that he should on no account release Demetrius from his power, since he was a man of restless ambition and had plotted against all the kings; he offered to give Seleucus two thousand talents to do away with him. But the king rebuked the ambassadors for urging him not only to set at naught his solemn pledge but also to incur that pollution in respect of a man allied to him by marriage (Seleukos I had married Stratonike, daughter of Demetrios, and had since given her in marriage to his son Antiochos I). To his son Antiochus (Antiochos I), who was in Media, he wrote, advising him (or perhaps “asking his advice”) how to deal with Demetrius. For he had previously decided to release him and restore him with great pomp to his throne, but wanted to give his son joint credit for this kindness, since Antiochus had married Stratonicê, the daughter of Demetrius, and had begot children by her.

15 Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa, pp. 95 and 116; Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, p. 104; Grainger, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, p. 688.

Polybios, Histories (the Loeb edition), 5.45.7: As he (Hermeias) had the young king (Antiochos III) wholly subject to his influence, he set out and began to assemble his forces at Apamea, from which he proceeded to Laodicea.

Polybios, Histories (the Macmillan edition), 5.45.7: Having (Hermeias) therefore the young king (Antiochos III) entirely in his power, owing to his age, he set out; and having mustered the army at Apameia he started thence and arrived at Laodiceia.

16 Grainger, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, p. 688.

Polybios, Histories (the Loeb edition), 5.50.1-9: When the army assembled at Apamea and a mutiny broke out among the soldiers on account of some arrears of pay that were owing to them, observing that the king (Antiochos III) was very nervous and alarmed at such a movement taking place at so critical a time, Hermeias engaged to discharge the whole sum due, if the king would consent that Epigenes should take no part in the campaign; as he said there would be no chance otherwise of anything being properly managed in the army in view of the bitterness of the quarrel between them. The king was displeased at this request, and would fain have refused, being anxious for Epigenes to accompany him on the campaign owing to his military capacity, but beset as he was and preoccupied through Hermeias’ nefarious machinations by court etiquette and by a host of guards and attendants, he was not his own master, so that he gave way and acceded to the request. When Epigenes retired, as he was bidden, into civil life, the members of the council were intimidated by this consequence of Hermeias’ jealousy, but the troops upon their demands being met experienced a revulsion of feeling and grew well disposed to the man who had procured payment of their pay. The Cyrrhestae, however, were an exception, as they to the number of about six thousand mutinied and quitted their quarters, giving considerable trouble for some time; but finally they were defeated in a battle by one of the king’s generals, most of them being killed and the rest surrendering at discretion. Hermeias, having thus subjected to his will the councillors by fear and the troops by doing them a service, left Apamea and advanced in company with the king.

Polybios, Histories (the Macmillan edition), 5.50.1-9: The forces, however, having been mustered at Apameia, upon a kind of mutiny arising among the common soldiers, on account of some arrears of pay, Hermeias, observing the king (Antiochos III) to be in a state of anxiety, and to be alarmed at the disturbance at so critical a moment, offered to discharge all arrears, if the king would only consent to Epigenes not accompanying the expedition; on the ground that nothing could be properly managed in the army when such angry feelings, and such party spirit, had been excited. The proposal was very displeasing to the king, who was exceedingly anxious that Epigenes should accompany him on the campaign, owing to his experience in the field; but he was bound so completely hand and foot, and entangled by the craft of Hermeias, his skilful finance, constant watchfulness, and designing flattery, that he was not his own master; and accordingly he yielded to the necessity of the moment and consented to his demand. When Epigenes thereupon retired, as he was bidden, the members of the council were too much afraid of incurring displeasure to remonstrate; while the army generally, by a revulsion of feeling, turned with gratitude to the man to whom they owed the settlement of their claims for pay. The Cyrrhestae were the only ones that stood out: and they broke out into open mutiny, and for some time occasioned much trouble; but, being at last conquered by one of the king’s generals, most of them were killed, and the rest submitted to the king’s mercy. Hermeias having thus secured the allegiance of his friends by fear, and of the troops by being of service to them, started on the expedition in company with the king...

17 Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, p. 104; Grainger, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, p. 688.

Polybios, Histories (the Loeb edition), 5.59.1: As soon as this decision had been taken, Antiochus (Antiochos III) ordered his admiral Diognetus to sail to Seleucia, while he himself, leaving Apamea with his army, came and encamped at the hippodrome about five stades from the town.

Polybios, Histories (the Macmillan edition), 5.59.1: In consequence of this decision, orders were sent to Diognetus the commander of the fleet to sail towards Seleucia: while Antiochus (Antiochos III) himself started from Apameia with his army, and encamped near the Hippodrome, about five stades from the town.

18 For details, see pages devoted to genealogies and biographies of Antiochos VII and Tryphon on this website.

19 Rigsby, Asylia, p. 504; Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, pp. 175/6.

20 Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 14.3.2: ... he (Pompey) brought his army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus (Antiochos IX) had built, ...

According to Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 14.3.2, the citadel was built by Antiochos IX. However, as Grainger, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, p. 688, notes, it seems unlikely that the city had to wait so long for a citadel; this presumably means a particularly oppressive fort. Grainger, The Cities of Seleukid Syria, p. 172, writes that the king in question was probably Antiochos VIII and not Antiochos IX, because he controlled Antioch all the time from 109/8 BC to his death in 96 BC, and was able to send expeditions to the south.

21 The Seleukid Era is based on a lunar calendar, beginning with the autumn of 312 BC. It means that if x is a Seleukid year (and x<312) then the corresponding BC time interval is from 313–x to 312–x.

The beginning of the Seleukid Era was set as follows: In 311 BC, shortly after capturing Babylon, Seleukos I Nikator began the enumeration of his satrapal years there. However, after his decisive victory over Antigonos Monophthalmos in 307/6 BC, he backdated his “fictitious” first regnal year to coincide with Nisanu 1, 311 BC (New Year’s Day in the Babylonian calendar). This marked the antedated epoch of the Seleukid calendar according to the Babylonian reckoning. Later in 305/4 BC, when Seleukos I took the diadem and assumed the royal title “King”, he retained the numbering of his regnal years in Babylon but employed the Makedonian calendar and thus pushed his accession year back to Dios, 312 BC (Dios was the first month of the Makedonian calendar; it corresponds to October-November). This became the antedated epoch of the Seleukid era on the Macedonian calendar. (Assar, Recent Studies in Parthian History, Part I, p. 6)

The Seleukid Era was used on coins up to the 3rd century AD (some coins of the Roman usurper Uranius Antoninus dated to the Seleukid year 565, i.e. 253/4 AD, and some coins of the Parthian king Vologases VI dated to the Seleukid year 539, i.e. 227/8 AD). Even after that, this era was further used outside of coinage for a long time, especially by the Church of the East (it was still used, for example, by a Christian community in a Chinese port city known as Zayton, present-day Quanzhou, in the 14th century AD).

22 Kopis (Greek κοπις) was a single edged cutting or “cut and thrust” sword with a forward-curving blade. Greek heavy infantry hoplites favored straight swords, but the downward curve of the kopis made it especially suited to mounted warfare.

23 Phiale (Greek) or patera (Latin) is a round, shallow vessel used primarily for libations.